Thursday, October 1, 2009
Saturday, September 5, 2009
Indira Gandhi : Biography
Get an OpenID with myOpenID!
Click here to sign up with myOpenID!
Indira Gandhi Biography: Nehru's long tenure in office gave continuity and cohesion to India's domestic and foreign policies, but as his health deteriorated, concerns over who might inherit his mantle or what might befall India after he left office frequently surfaced in political circles. After his death, the Congress Caucus, also known as the Syndicate, chose Lal Bahadur Shastri as prime minister in June 1964. A mild-mannered person, Shastri adhered to Gandhian principles of simplicity of life and dedication to the service of the country. His short period of leadership was beset with three major crises: widespread food shortages, violent anti-Hindi demonstrations in the state of Madras (as Tamil Nadu was then called) that were quelled by the army, and the second war with Pakistan over Kashmir. Shastri's premiership was cut short when he died of a heart attack on January 11, 1966, the day after having signed the Soviet-brokered Tashkent Declaration. The agreement required both sides to withdraw all armed personnel by February 26, 1966, to the positions they had held prior to August 5, 1965, and to observe the cease-fire line. 
Indira Gandhi held a cabinet portfolio as minister of information and broadcasting in Shastri's government. She was the only child of Nehru, who was also her mentor in the nationalist movement. The Syndicate selected her as prime minister when Shastri died in 1966 even though her eligibility was challenged by Morarji Desai, a veteran nationalist and long-time aspirant to that office. The Congress "bosses" were apparently looking for a leading figure acceptable to the masses, who could command general support during the next general election but who would also acquiesce to their guidance. Hardly had Indira Gandhi begun in office than she encountered a series of problems that defied easy solutions: Mizo tribal uprisings in the northeast; famine, labor unrest, and misery among the poor in the wake of rupee devaluation; and agitation in Punjab for linguistic and religious separatism. 
In the fourth general election in February 1967, the Congress majority was greatly reduced when it secured only 54 percent of the parliamentary seats, and non-Congress ministries were established in Bihar, Kerala, Orissa, Madras, Punjab, and West Bengal the next month. A Congress-led coalition government collapsed in Uttar Pradesh, while in April Rajasthan was brought under President's Rule--direct central government rule (see The Executive, ch. 8). Seeking to eradicate poverty, Mrs. Gandhi pursued a vigorous policy in 1969 of land reform and placed a ceiling on personal income, private property, and corporate profits. She also nationalized the major banks, a bold step amidst a growing rift between herself and the party elders. The Congress expelled her for "indiscipline" on November 12, 1969, an action that split the party into two factions: the Congress (O)--for Organisation--under Desai, and the Congress (R)--for Requisition--under Gandhi. She continued as prime minister with support from communists, Sikhs, and regional parties. 
Indira Gandhi campaigned fiercely on the platform "eliminate poverty" (garibi hatao ) during the fifth general election in March 1971, and the Congress (R) gained a large majority in Parliament against her former party leaders whose slogan was "eliminate Indira" (Indira hatao ). India's decisive victory over Pakistan in the third war over Kashmir in December 1971, and Gandhi's insistence that the 10 million refugees from Bangladesh be sent back to their country generated a national surge in her popularity, later confirmed by her party's gains in state elections in 1972. She had firmly established herself at the pinnacle of power, overcoming challenges from the Congress (O), the Supreme Court, and the state chief ministers in the early 1970s. The more solidified her monopoly of power became, the more egregious was her intolerance of criticisms, even when they were deserved. As head of her party and the government, Gandhi nominated and removed the chief ministers at will and frequently reshuffled the portfolios of her own cabinet members. Ignoring their obligations to their constituencies, party members competed with each other in parading their loyalty to Gandhi, whose personal approval alone seemed crucial to their survival. In August 1971, Gandhi signed the twenty-year Treaty of Peace, Friendship, and Cooperation with the Soviet Union because ties with the United States, which had improved in Nehru's later years, had eroded (see Russia, ch. 9). 
Neither Gandhi's consolidation of power, nor her imperious style of administration, nor even her rhetoric of radical reforms was enough to meet the deepening economic crisis spawned by the enormous cost of the 1971 war. A huge additional outlay was needed to manage the refugees, the crop failures in 1972 and 1973, the skyrocketing world oil prices in 1973-74, and the overall drop in industrial output despite a surplus of scientifically and technically trained personnel. No immediate sign of economic recovery or equity was visible despite a loan obtained from the International Monetary Fund (IMF--see Glossary) in 1974. Both Gandhi's office and character came under severe tests, beginning with railroad employee strikes, national civil disobedience advocated by J.P. Narayan, defeat of her party in Gujarat by a coalition of parties calling itself the Janata Morcha (People's Front), an all-party, no-confidence motion in Parliament, and, finally, a writ issued by the Allahabad High Court invalidating her 1971 election and making her ineligible to occupy her seat for six years. 
What had once seemed a remote possibility took place on June 25, 1975: the president declared an Emergency and the government suspended civil rights. Because the nation's president, Fakhruddin Ali Ahmed (1974-77), and Gandhi's own party members in Parliament were amenable to her personal influence, Gandhi had little trouble in pushing through amendments to the constitution that exonerated her from any culpability, declaring President's Rule in Gujarat and Tamil Nadu where anti-Indira parties ruled, and jailing thousands of her opponents. In her need to trust and confide in someone during this extremely trying period, she turned to her younger son, Sanjay, who became an enthusiastic advocate of the Emergency. Under his watchful eyes, forced sterilization as a means of birth control was imposed on the poor, increased numbers of urban squatters and slum dwellers in Delhi were evicted in the name of beautification projects, and disgruntled workers were either disciplined or their wages frozen. The Reign of Terror, as some called it, continued until January 18, 1977, when Gandhi suddenly relaxed the Emergency, announced the next general election in March, and released her opponents from prison. With elections only two months away, both J.P. Narayan and Morarji Desai reactivated the multiparty front, which campaigned as the Janata Party and rode anti-Emergency sentiment to secure a clear majority in the Lok Sabha (House of the People), the lower house of Parliament (see The Legislature, ch. 8). Desai, a conservative Brahman, became India's fourth prime minister (1977-79), but his government, from its inception, became notorious for its factionalism and furious internal competition. As it promised, the Janata government restored freedom and democracy, but its inability to effect sound reforms or ameliorate poverty left people disillusioned. Desai lost the support of Janata's left-wing parties by the early summer of 1979, and several secular and liberal politicians abandoned him altogether, leaving him without a parliamentary majority. A no-confidence motion was about to be introduced in Parliament in July 1979, but he resigned his office; Desai's government was replaced by a coalition led by Chaudhury Charan Singh (prime minister in 1979-80). Although Singh's life-long ambition had been to become prime minister, his age and inefficiency were used against him, and his attempts at governing India proved futile; new elections were announced in January 1980. 
Gandhi and her party, renamed Congress (I)--I for Indira--campaigned on the slogan "Elect a Government That Works!" and regained power. Sanjay Gandhi was elected to the Lok Sabha. Unlike during the Emergency, when India registered significant economic and industrial progress, Gandhi's return to power was hindered by a series of woes and tragedies, beginning with Sanjay's death in June 1980 while attempting to perform stunts in his private airplane. Secessionist forces in Punjab and in the northeast and the Soviet occupation of Afghanistan in December 1979 consumed her energy. She began to involve the armed forces in resolving violent domestic conflicts between 1980 and 1984. In May 1984, Sikh extremists occupied the Golden Temple in Amritsar, converting it into a haven for terrorists. Gandhi responded in early June when she launched Operation Bluestar, which killed and wounded hundreds of soldiers, insurgents, and civilians (see Insurgent Movements and External Subversion, ch. 10). Guarding against further challenges to her power, she removed the chief ministers of Jammu and Kashmir and Andhra Pradesh just months before her assassination by her Sikh bodyguards on October 31, 1984. The news of Indira Gandhi's assassination plunged New Delhi and other parts of India into anti-Sikh riots for three days; several thousand Sikhs were killed. Tags: biography Check out LiveWire's Teen Forums, College Forums, Teen Advice, Teen Quizzes, Peer Support, Teen Help, Message Boards, and Professor Reviews sites. 
Buzz Boost Email Subscribe
Subscribe to Indira Gandhi : Biography by Email Feed Count 
Chicklet 
Thank You Orkut Pictures, Images, Comments
Bidis (pronounced bee-dees) are thin unfiltered cigarettes hand-wrapped in brown leaves and tied with short pieces of thread. School kids under 18 buy them because they are cheaper than the cost of regular cigarettes and come in a variety of flavors including root beer, orange, lemon-lime and strawberry. Teens might ask, "If they come in all these cool flavors then how could they be harmful?" Well, Bidis have two to three times more nicotine than regular cigarettes! And 44 percent of teens that smoke Bidis smoke them because they think it isn't addictive or dangerous to their health. Because Bidis deliver greater doses of nicotine to the bloodstream, they are far more addictive than cigarettes. Also, Bidis, like cigarettes cause health issues such as cancer, heart disease, high blood pressure, and many other serious health problems.
1. Drugs mess with your mind Drug use can cause you to lose your ability to remember things, to think clearly and to study properly. Drug use gives you the impression that you are more alert and aware, but under the influence of drugs you are actually less aware, and less alert. Drug use can also cause people to act in strange unpredictable ways. A person can undergo a complete personality change when under the influence of drugs. Since drug residues can remain in the body for many years after they were taken, the effect on the mind can last a long time. Don't lose your mind! Avoid drugs. 2. Drugs mess with your body Drug use can make you ill and an overdose can kill. Drugs are poisons after all. The list of diseases you can catch as a result of using drugs is very long and includes Hepatitis C, HIV and AIDS. Since drugs also use up your body's supply of vitamins and minerals, you become more prone to diseases. Many drug users suffer from malnutrition as a result of their habit. Why be a loser? Stay healthy! 3. Drugs mess with your wallet Drug use interferes with your ability, which can make it harder to earn money. In the long run, the more competent a person is in a job, the more likely that such a person will earn a higher salary. However a person under the influence of drugs is quite likely to make expensive mistakes and be incompetent. That is unemployment waiting to happen. Also, a drug habit can be REALLY expensive (up to hundreds of pounds per day!) and this is why many addicts are forced into crime. Don't waste your money. Drugs are the ultimate betrayer - you pay big money to destroy yourself. 4. Drugs mess with your travel plans Anyone convicted of drugs offences will not be allowed entrance into some countries such as Japan, Canada and USA. Why lose exciting opportunities to travel? Why limit your options as to where you want to work & live? Many people like to work abroad, particularly in the USA, for a time during their career. This would be impossible with a criminal record. 5. Drugs mess with your life Drug use that seems a "cool" idea in the beginning can turn into a living nightmare that includes accidents, hospitalisation, a life of crime, a criminal record, hurting those you love, destroyed relationships, a prison sentence and death. Drug users often lose their enthusiasm for life, give up sports and hobbies etc, in their fixation on the next score for their habit. Taking drugs definitely gives you a new lifestyle, but it is the lifestyle of a sad loser with no prospects. 6. Drugs mess with the planet Many drugs are grown in Third World countries. The drug barons involved cut down forests for space to grow the drugs, thus destroying the natural habitat for thousands of creatures and upsetting the ecological balance. It is true that natural forests are cut down for constructive reasons by legitimate companies, but there are laws in place which compel those companies to plant new forest as replacements. Drug criminals, needless to say, ignore these and all other laws. Buying and taking drugs encourages more natural forest to be destroyed. 7. Drugs mess with society Criminals manufacture and sell drugs. They do not care what effects the drugs have on their victims; they are only interested in the money. These criminals terrorise ordinary people and society, using violence against anyone who tries to stop them. These criminals establish a social environment where there is no respect for law & order, only respect for violence. This generates fear, suspicion and misery in our communities. This destabilises society and could lead to its disintegration. Buying and taking drugs supports this criminal infrastructure. 8. Drugs mess with your love life and fertility. There is evidence that abuse of drugs can lead to impotence in males. Certainly, abuse of drugs in females can affect unborn children, with the babies of drug addicts far more likely to be underweight and to suffer from birth complications. The damage that drug use can do to one's physical appearance is very obvious. 9. Drugs mess with your hopes and dreams. Drug addicts, when craving their next fix, often do not care about anything other than the immediate high demanded. All other considerations, every aspect of normal human behaviour are ignored in this compulsion. Everyone has hopes and dreams for the future, but for addicts those hopes and dreams only focus down to where the next score is coming from. Hopes and dreams for the future? Only despair and nightmare for addicts.
It can be difficult to say no to alcohol for anyone, but it is especially difficult for those who are quitting or cutting down on alcohol. You can avoid places where drinks are served, but eventually, you will be offered a drink by someone you don't want to explain your alcohol problem to. The best ways to say no are casual, polite responses to an offer, which provide an excuse that can't be argued with. Here are my five top phrases for refusing alcohol. 1. I'm Driving This is the ultimate excuse. Some people who are quitting alcohol volunteer to be the designated driver for precisely this reason -- they want to spend time with friends, but don't want to drink. This response is also great role modelling for others, and adds to the climate of acceptability of staying sober behind the wheel. Anyone who pressurizes you to drink after you giving this response isn't worth listening to. 2. No Thanks, I've Just Finished One What I like about this response is that is so lacking in value judgements about drinking that no-one can accuse you of being uptight or preachy. How you feel after a drink is an individual matter, and if you don't want another drink instantly, all it implies is good personal boundaries around your own comfort. It also shows you are not a compulsive drinker, and sets the tone for others to pace their drinking too. Yet the implication is that you might have had a drink if you felt like one, so this works well for the type of people who tease and berate those in recovery -- the kind of companions you may not want as friends, but are sometimes unavoidable in a social situation. 3. I've Had My Limit For Tonight This is the best response if you regularly drink with the same people, want to control your drinking, and have set a limit based on your blood alcohol concentration. Others will learn over time that you will drink only a certain number of drinks within a certain amount of time, so they can enjoy sharing a drink with you within those limits. Controlled drinking is a goal for many people with alcohol problems. 4. I Want to Keep a Clear Head Variations on this response are, "No thanks, I've got work tomorrow," "No thanks, I've got an early start in the morning," or "No thanks, I don't want a hangover." This is a great way of letting people know that alcohol does not rule your life, nor will you let it interfere with your day to day functioning. Keeping a clear head may not be important to all drinkers, but it should be to you. 5. I Don't Drink This response take the most courage, and is the most subject to demands for an explanation. You may have to put up with being asked if you have a drink problem, you may have your masculinity or sense of fun challenged, or you may be informed that, "You can have one drink." But it is the all-round best response for anyone who is serious about recovery from alcoholism, or who wants to put an end to the nonsense of peer pressure to drink alcohol. www.google.co.in | www.google.com | www.google.com.pk
Auspicious & Inauspicious Days | Aishwarya Rai Bachchan | Benazir Bhutto A BiographyGlobal Warming |
Bollywood vs IT | Globalization on Environment | Indira Gandhi : A BiographyColours in Your Life |
Jokes on Computer Technology | Sri Sri Mahakali Chalisha & Doha | 50 Most Romantic Tips Orkut More Fun |
Netaji Shubhash Chandra Bose | Negative & Positive Vibrations | Rajiv Gandhi A Biography Pandit Jawahar Lal Nehru |
Perfection in Your life | Yoga Tips & Medicines | Yout Birthdays & Good - Sinster Effect
Indira Gandhi Biography: Nehru's long tenure in office gave continuity and cohesion to India's domestic and foreign policies, but as his health deteriorated, concerns over who might inherit his mantle or what might befall India after he left office frequently surfaced in political circles. After his death, the Congress Caucus, also known as the Syndicate, chose Lal Bahadur Shastri as prime minister in June 1964. A mild-mannered person, Shastri adhered to Gandhian principles of simplicity of life and dedication to the service of the country. His short period of leadership was beset with three major crises: widespread food shortages, violent anti-Hindi demonstrations in the state of Madras (as Tamil Nadu was then called) that were quelled by the army, and the second war with Pakistan over Kashmir. Shastri's premiership was cut short when he died of a heart attack on January 11, 1966, the day after having signed the Soviet-brokered Tashkent Declaration. The agreement required both sides to withdraw all armed personnel by February 26, 1966, to the positions they had held prior to August 5, 1965, and to observe the cease-fire line. 
Indira Gandhi held a cabinet portfolio as minister of information and broadcasting in Shastri's government. She was the only child of Nehru, who was also her mentor in the nationalist movement. The Syndicate selected her as prime minister when Shastri died in 1966 even though her eligibility was challenged by Morarji Desai, a veteran nationalist and long-time aspirant to that office. The Congress "bosses" were apparently looking for a leading figure acceptable to the masses, who could command general support during the next general election but who would also acquiesce to their guidance. Hardly had Indira Gandhi begun in office than she encountered a series of problems that defied easy solutions: Mizo tribal uprisings in the northeast; famine, labor unrest, and misery among the poor in the wake of rupee devaluation; and agitation in Punjab for linguistic and religious separatism. 
In the fourth general election in February 1967, the Congress majority was greatly reduced when it secured only 54 percent of the parliamentary seats, and non-Congress ministries were established in Bihar, Kerala, Orissa, Madras, Punjab, and West Bengal the next month. A Congress-led coalition government collapsed in Uttar Pradesh, while in April Rajasthan was brought under President's Rule--direct central government rule (see The Executive, ch. 8). Seeking to eradicate poverty, Mrs. Gandhi pursued a vigorous policy in 1969 of land reform and placed a ceiling on personal income, private property, and corporate profits. She also nationalized the major banks, a bold step amidst a growing rift between herself and the party elders. The Congress expelled her for "indiscipline" on November 12, 1969, an action that split the party into two factions: the Congress (O)--for Organisation--under Desai, and the Congress (R)--for Requisition--under Gandhi. She continued as prime minister with support from communists, Sikhs, and regional parties. 
Indira Gandhi campaigned fiercely on the platform "eliminate poverty" (garibi hatao ) during the fifth general election in March 1971, and the Congress (R) gained a large majority in Parliament against her former party leaders whose slogan was "eliminate Indira" (Indira hatao ). India's decisive victory over Pakistan in the third war over Kashmir in December 1971, and Gandhi's insistence that the 10 million refugees from Bangladesh be sent back to their country generated a national surge in her popularity, later confirmed by her party's gains in state elections in 1972. She had firmly established herself at the pinnacle of power, overcoming challenges from the Congress (O), the Supreme Court, and the state chief ministers in the early 1970s. The more solidified her monopoly of power became, the more egregious was her intolerance of criticisms, even when they were deserved. As head of her party and the government, Gandhi nominated and removed the chief ministers at will and frequently reshuffled the portfolios of her own cabinet members. Ignoring their obligations to their constituencies, party members competed with each other in parading their loyalty to Gandhi, whose personal approval alone seemed crucial to their survival. In August 1971, Gandhi signed the twenty-year Treaty of Peace, Friendship, and Cooperation with the Soviet Union because ties with the United States, which had improved in Nehru's later years, had eroded (see Russia, ch. 9). 
Neither Gandhi's consolidation of power, nor her imperious style of administration, nor even her rhetoric of radical reforms was enough to meet the deepening economic crisis spawned by the enormous cost of the 1971 war. A huge additional outlay was needed to manage the refugees, the crop failures in 1972 and 1973, the skyrocketing world oil prices in 1973-74, and the overall drop in industrial output despite a surplus of scientifically and technically trained personnel. No immediate sign of economic recovery or equity was visible despite a loan obtained from the International Monetary Fund (IMF--see Glossary) in 1974. Both Gandhi's office and character came under severe tests, beginning with railroad employee strikes, national civil disobedience advocated by J.P. Narayan, defeat of her party in Gujarat by a coalition of parties calling itself the Janata Morcha (People's Front), an all-party, no-confidence motion in Parliament, and, finally, a writ issued by the Allahabad High Court invalidating her 1971 election and making her ineligible to occupy her seat for six years. 
What had once seemed a remote possibility took place on June 25, 1975: the president declared an Emergency and the government suspended civil rights. Because the nation's president, Fakhruddin Ali Ahmed (1974-77), and Gandhi's own party members in Parliament were amenable to her personal influence, Gandhi had little trouble in pushing through amendments to the constitution that exonerated her from any culpability, declaring President's Rule in Gujarat and Tamil Nadu where anti-Indira parties ruled, and jailing thousands of her opponents. In her need to trust and confide in someone during this extremely trying period, she turned to her younger son, Sanjay, who became an enthusiastic advocate of the Emergency. Under his watchful eyes, forced sterilization as a means of birth control was imposed on the poor, increased numbers of urban squatters and slum dwellers in Delhi were evicted in the name of beautification projects, and disgruntled workers were either disciplined or their wages frozen. The Reign of Terror, as some called it, continued until January 18, 1977, when Gandhi suddenly relaxed the Emergency, announced the next general election in March, and released her opponents from prison. With elections only two months away, both J.P. Narayan and Morarji Desai reactivated the multiparty front, which campaigned as the Janata Party and rode anti-Emergency sentiment to secure a clear majority in the Lok Sabha (House of the People), the lower house of Parliament (see The Legislature, ch. 8). Desai, a conservative Brahman, became India's fourth prime minister (1977-79), but his government, from its inception, became notorious for its factionalism and furious internal competition. As it promised, the Janata government restored freedom and democracy, but its inability to effect sound reforms or ameliorate poverty left people disillusioned. Desai lost the support of Janata's left-wing parties by the early summer of 1979, and several secular and liberal politicians abandoned him altogether, leaving him without a parliamentary majority. A no-confidence motion was about to be introduced in Parliament in July 1979, but he resigned his office; Desai's government was replaced by a coalition led by Chaudhury Charan Singh (prime minister in 1979-80). Although Singh's life-long ambition had been to become prime minister, his age and inefficiency were used against him, and his attempts at governing India proved futile; new elections were announced in January 1980. 
Gandhi and her party, renamed Congress (I)--I for Indira--campaigned on the slogan "Elect a Government That Works!" and regained power. Sanjay Gandhi was elected to the Lok Sabha. Unlike during the Emergency, when India registered significant economic and industrial progress, Gandhi's return to power was hindered by a series of woes and tragedies, beginning with Sanjay's death in June 1980 while attempting to perform stunts in his private airplane. Secessionist forces in Punjab and in the northeast and the Soviet occupation of Afghanistan in December 1979 consumed her energy. She began to involve the armed forces in resolving violent domestic conflicts between 1980 and 1984. In May 1984, Sikh extremists occupied the Golden Temple in Amritsar, converting it into a haven for terrorists. Gandhi responded in early June when she launched Operation Bluestar, which killed and wounded hundreds of soldiers, insurgents, and civilians (see Insurgent Movements and External Subversion, ch. 10). Guarding against further challenges to her power, she removed the chief ministers of Jammu and Kashmir and Andhra Pradesh just months before her assassination by her Sikh bodyguards on October 31, 1984. The news of Indira Gandhi's assassination plunged New Delhi and other parts of India into anti-Sikh riots for three days; several thousand Sikhs were killed. Tags: biography Check out LiveWire's Teen Forums, College Forums, Teen Advice, Teen Quizzes, Peer Support, Teen Help, Message Boards, and Professor Reviews sites. Buzz Boost Email Subscribe
Subscribe to Indira Gandhi : Biography by Email Feed Count Chicklet Thank You Orkut Pictures, Images, Comments 
Subscribe to:
Posts (Atom)